Denna publikation Hållbarhetens många ansiktenär en del av de resultat som kommer frånprojektet Hållbart Samhällsbyggande (HåSa):Från mellersta Norrland till Europas glesabygder. HåSa-projektet har via Tillväxtverketbeviljats stöd ur den Europeiska regionalautvecklingsfonden och i denna antologi harmånga aktörer som ingår i projektet medverkat.Arbetet med publikationen inleddes vid enworkshop i Sollefteå i slutet av september 2016.Vi drevs då av en strävan efter att hållbarhetsarbetetpå flera sätt behöver gå snabbare och blimer omfattande och att vi behöver samarbetaöver ämnesgränser inom akademin, men äventillsammans med aktörer utanför akademin.Ett drygt år senare finns nu denna antologi,efter både kreativt och intensivt samarbete, ochden utgör ett konkret resultat av de tankar somföddes i Sollefteå.
Projektet har undersökt demokratiska innovationer på kommunal nivå, med fokus på nya sätt att organisera, utveckla och förankra den lokala politiken. Undersökningen har riktats mot två fall, kommunerna Timrå respektive Örnsköldsvik som under tidsperioden arbetat med deliberativa processer för att stärka den lokala demokratin. Projektet har drivits av kommunerna i fråga i samverkan med den statsvetenskapliga miljön vid Mittuniversitetet.
Timrå kommun genomförde 2019 en reform av hela kommunens styr- och ledningssystem, med mål att komma bort från en allt för detaljerad ekonomistyrning och för istället etablera en verksamhetsstyrning med mål att skapa större värde för medborgare, företag och besökare. Föreliggande projektet har följt, analyserat och utvärderat detta arbetssätt. Örnsköldsviks kommun genomförde under 2021-2022 ett pilotprojekt med ett nytt sätt att engagera medborgarna mer direkt, det så kallade Tillsammanskontraktet, inom ramen för SKR-nätverket Utveckla lokala Samhällskontrakt. I projektet har denna process följts och analyserats.
Sweden is often characterized as being a generous country when it comes to allowing immigrants entrance. However, since the national government is dependent on the local level for acceptance of refugees, there is a potential risk that a discrepancy emerges between the number of immigrants accepted at the national level and the number accepted at the local level. In fact, today, a significant number of municipalities hesitates to accept agreements with the government. These municipalities disregard the large flows of refugees that reach Sweden daily and oppose the pressure from Swedish authorities to contribute to the upholding of a continued generous migration policy. To be able to understand the motives of these reluctant municipalities we need to know more about what characterizes them. In this paper, we investigate both the structural and the political patterns of these municipalities and explain how they differ from those that do receive refugees. Drawing from the concepts of immigration control and multilevel governance, we deduce a number of hypotheses about how structural predictors will have an impact on the formation of local policy. Deriving from an extensive new data set of all Swedish municipalities for a handful of years, we outline the characteristics of these cases. Our findings suggest that complete immigration control is not only quantitatively different from a low level of reception, but also qualitatively different. That is, it seems as if some of the mechanisms at work when a municipality refrains from refugee reception altogether are not the same as those resulting in agreements at low levels. Instead, local opinion, expressed as the view towards refugee reception among the established parties, appears to be the factor most consistently showing importance throughout our analyses. One possible interpretation of this might be that while levels of reception, to some extent, are guided by structural prerequisites, such as the economy, the situation in the labour market and the capacity to accommodate refugees, etc., the decision to completely refrain from reception is primarily guided by ideological motives.
With the increased electoral success of anti-immigration parties, questions regarding whatimpact the parties actually have naturally follow. Previous research has rarely explored thisquestion. Furthermore, within this body of research, one is given different answers. While someargue that anti-immigration parties have made an impact on public policy, others find no suchevidence. This article shows that some of this inconsistency is a consequence of the method-ological strategies that have been employed. Previous studies are either single case studies orcomparisons of a small number of countries. Consequently, different parties in different insti-tutional settings are compared, making it difficult to estimate the actual impact of the party ofinterest. In order to circumvent such methodological problems, this article explores the ques-tion of anti-immigration party impact on a local level and asks if the Sweden Democrats (SD)have managed to influence decisions on refugee reception in Swedish municipalities. Theanalysis shows mixed results. First, while unable to find an independent effect of the size ofthe representation of the SD, it appears that the party’s impact is conditioned by them holdingthe balance of power. Second, the SD’s impact is not dependent upon whether there isright-wing or left-wing rule, although local migration policy is stricter when the main right-wingparty has strong support.
With the increased electoral success of anti-immigration parties, questions on what actual impact the parties obtain naturally follow.Previous research only sparsely has explored this question. Furthermore, within this body of research we are given different answers. While some arguethatanti-immigration parties have made an impact on public policy others find no such evidence. We argue that some of this inconsistency is a consequence of the methodological strategies that have been employed. Previous studies are single case studies or comparisons of a smaller number of countries. Consequently different parties in different institutional settings are compared making it hard to estimate the actual impact of the party of interest. In order to circumvent such methodological problems this studyexplore the question of anti-immigration party impact from a local level and asks if the Sweden Democrats (SD) has managed to influence decisions on refugee receptions in Swedish municipalities.Our analysis show mixed results. Firstly, while we are unable to find an independent effect of the size of the representation of SD we show that the party's impact is conditioned by them holding the balance of power. Secondly, SD impact is not dependent on whether there is a right-wing or left-wing rule although wecan show that local migration policy is stricter when the main right-wing party has a strong support
The aim of this study is to explore the interconnection between lived biographies and changing integration policies through migrant narratives on institutional support and labor market experiences. The approach applied in this study allows us to pay particular attention to the dynamic character of integration and to make links between personal, organizational and policy domains, analyzing the shifted integration regimes from the standpoint of migrants. The Swedish politics of integration has during the last year’s undergone vast changes and in 2010, the largest change in the Swedish history of integration policies was performed (etableringsreformen) which meant an increasingly emphasized focus on employment and workfare before welfare and the responsibility for new migrants was transferred from the municipalities to the employment service. As a consequence the rhetoric of integration in Sweden also changed, from what was in municipalities talked about as introduction, to what is now talked about as reception and establishment. By combining immigrants’ subjective views and evaluations with the trajectories of their work biographies, we will discuss changing integration regimes as ‘lived experiences’ of individuals who are subjected to and employed in different occupations that the different integration regimes produces.
This study aims to map, locate and make visible the everyday experiences of newly arrived immigrants in government-sponsored integration activities and to trace how these experiences are linked to changes in policy. The study pays particular attention to the dynamic nature of integration and draws links between personal, organisational and policy domains while analysing shifting integration policies from the standpoint of immigrants. Swedish integration policy has undergone vast changes during recent years as the government implements one of the largest changes in Swedish history, beginning in 2010. With this came an emphasis on employment and workfare over welfare. Consequently, the rhetoric of integration in Sweden also changed from what in municipalities was called an introduction to a sense of establishment. By examining the subjective views of immigrants, we discuss the lived experiences of individuals who are subjected to and employed in different occupations due to various integration regimes.
This study examines the link between women’s representation in national parliaments and their possibility to participate in civil society. Utilizing panel data from the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) dataset, covering 1975–2019, we investigate how the presence of women in parliaments influences the possibility for women to participate in civil society, especially in non-liberal democratic settings. The results indicate a positive association post-1990, coinciding with an international emphasis on civil society and a rise in women’s parliamentary representation in both liberal democracies and autocratic regimes. The study however highlights that in hybrid and autocratic regimes, increased female representation can also be used to project a gender-equal image without genuine democratization intentions. These findings suggest a correlation between the increase in women in parliaments and greater opportunities for their participation in civil society, but do not imply that the results reflect processes towards democracy. The findings contribute to understanding women’s possibilities in non-democratic regimes and underscores the need for further qualitative analysis to fully grasp the implications of these trends.
The dramatic event that the great migration in the summer of 2015 entailed changed the migration policies of various countries. Substantial amendments were hastily made in a policy field in which already tense state-local relations struggled to manage coordination, responsibilities, and funding. Sweden, recognized as a final host country of the massive flows of refugees and asylum-seekers, was no exception. In Sweden, autonomy in terms of local refugee reception was circumvented in 2016. Municipalities’ remaining discretionis above all concentrated to one of the most crucial spheres of refugee reception:the outline of local housing policies. We argue that housing may be perceived as a tool of resilience that local governments may use to maintain far-reaching influence over the settlement of migrants with a refugee background by selecting restrictive orgenerous policy options. In this paper, we conduct a theoretically grounded analysis of local housing policy for refugees among Swedish municipalities. To capture the intrinsic dynamic, we propose a generic typology applying the dimension of either a liberalor a restrictive housing policy and relate it to theoretical notions of refugee policy as characterized by either a rights-based or a more restrictive approach. Our findings show that local governments in Sweden pursue a wide array of policy stances that appear to be correlated with factors originating from prior experiences of refugee reception, conditions in the labor and housing markets, and political circumstances. Based on this, we argue that local housing policy has offered municipalities a tool to exert a form of intentional, or unintentional, migration control despite national efforts to impose a more just system of refugee reception.
Swedish migration policy has undergone dramatic changes and has moved from being one of the most generous policies to the minimum EU level. Traditionally refugee reception has been a policy area with a strong tradition of collaboration between national and local government with decentralized decision-making. The role of local government has, however, altered in the face of greater centralization and harder national government steering. This chapter provides a broad picture of Swedish local government’s responsibilities, the changing nature of the role it has played and is playing with regard to refugee reception and integration policies and the challenges it currently faces.
According to partisan theory, variations in policy choices and outputs originate from the party composition of the government studied. In this study, we take a novel approach to address such assumptions by linking changes in municipal taxes with local government changes. We also add a baseline scenario in which we examine whether the composition of the local government affects tax levels. Drawing on a dataset that contains official Swedish statistics from 1994 to 2018, we find convincing support for the partisan effect. Tax levels are higher under left-wing rule, and more specifically, tax cuts particularly occur when left-wing governments are replaced by right-wing ones. These results do not vanish when controls are accounted for, while it can be particularly noticed that the condition of the municipal economy influences partisan ambitions. These findings thereby contradict prior theoretical assumptions that the local arena is free from ideological battles.
This study examines the potential link between descriptive and substantive representation. More precisely, we examine whether a higher level of political descriptive representation of women improves their substantive representation in terms of policy spending in areas that are known to be prioritized by women. We use data from a pooled sample of all of the 290 Swedish municipalities covering the years from 1994 to 2021. We make at least four contributions to the research field: we use multiple measures of (1) women’s political representation and (2) policy spending, and we also (3) test assumptions at the subnational level, where policy spending matters most, and (4) assess them over a longer period of time, stretching across almost three decades. In contrast to our expectations, the findings show that the descriptive representation of women has no influence on policy spending; instead, economic and demographical aspects dominate.
E-petitions constitute a promising method of increasing public participation and engagement in government processes. However, there is a lack of knowledge of why some government entities implement e-petitions, while others do not. Moreover, it is unknown why some organizations may receive many e-petitions while others receive relatively few. Thus, in this paper, we aim to fill these gaps by investigating the implementation and use patterns of e-petitions based on data from Swedish local governments. Through statistical analysis of data related to demography, economy, technology, and democracy, our findings unveil variations in municipalities’ implementation of e-petitions and citizens’ use of them. The results reveal that municipalities with a relatively large population and established modes of local democracy are more inclined to implement e-petitions than smaller jurisdictions. However, we also found that the number of incoming e-petitions per capita is negatively correlated with population size. Thus, the presence of institutionalized work structures related to local democracy is an important precursor for the implementation of e-petitions, while previous experience with communication technologies had a positive effect on the number of incoming petitions. In addition to these findings, the novelty of our study lies in the use of several official data sources to seek explanations for the implementation and use of e-petitions in local government. By doing so, this study has paved the way for similar research in other contexts. The paper concludes with implications for both research and practice as well as suggestions for future studies.
The use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in democratic processes, often summarized by the term e-democracy, has seldom been analysed from a global perspective. Although the UN eParticipation index provides one of the few examples of an international measurement of e-democracy, it has been thoroughly criticized. At the same time, however, a number of studies have added knowledge in the field of global determinants of e-democracy by using this very index. In this study I resolve this by: (1) examining whether the UN index is a valid measurement of e-democracy; (2) inquiring whether there are alternative measurements of e-democracy and finally (3) retesting the determinants of e-democracy using the UN index and alternatives together with a larger data set and more suitable estimations than have previously been used in this field. The paper gives answer to these questions. First, even if the index has flaws it is not necessarily as problematic as assumed. Second, combining this index with measurements of democracy corresponds with the emphasis in the literature on e-democracy being embedded in democracy. Third, the determinants of e-democracy on a global scale show the positive importance of technology but also of socio-economic variables and population size.
Since a number of years the use of social media in political processes appears to have had a significant effect on the political landscape. Irrespective of advantages or disadvantages of such technologies scholars have revealed great differences in how digital technologies have been adopted among subnational entities. Citizens risk facing substantial varieties in preconditions for the utilization of digitally based tools based on their residency. In this book chapter on Swedish municipalities adoption of social media both descriptions and patterns explaining variation in such adoption are studied. Findings indicate that an overwhelming majority of Swedish municipalities use social media. Based on the time period applied it can also be noticed that this proportion has increased annually. The explanatory models reveal particularly two noteworthy findings. First, larger municipalities with an already well-developed website are more inclined to adopt social media. As an additional predictor, municipalities with certain funding for democratic development shows a similar pattern. Second, when assessing municipalities versatility in social media usage two of the these predictors show relevance. Lager municipalities with an advanced website are more inclined to utilize social media for different reasons. Since this book chapter shows that certain resources, such as an already developed website and a larger population, will pose influence on social media usage the distribution of this form of digital technology can be distributed unequal over societies.
Cross-national research aiming to explain democracy normally focuses either on internal or external factors as relevant for a country’s level of democracy. However, several scholars argue that democratization is not a completely domestic process. This study, with diffusion theory as a point of departure, shows how the two perspectives can be simultaneously examined. With the help of a theoretical framework that separates factors into different analytical levels, quantitative analyses make it possible to reach empirical results that examine the relevance of diffusion when it comes to countries’ levels of democracy, while controlling for internal variables. The results show that the effects of diffusion disappear when controlling for internal characteristics. In some cases, though, deviations to domestic explanations can be handled by addressing international influence instead. In general, it is reasonable to argue that the most powerful explanations for democracy are the traditional internal circumstances such as wealth and education.
This mainly deductive study examines what factors explain the variation of e-democracy and if, why a causal pathway exists. The deductive feature is carried out through examining the predictions of the modernization theory, testing hypotheses concerning the link between economic development and wealth in relation to e-democracy. Deriving from a theoretical point of departure where e-democracy is conceptualized with the help of democratic theory, this phenomenon is studied in three different but linked empirical parts. A cross-sectional global study did establish a relationship between some of the indicators derived from the theory; however, the magnitude of the explanatory power was lower at the level of e-democracy than at the level of democracy. A cross-sectional national study of all Sweden’s municipalities did show that especially high levels of education were clearly related to high levels of e-democracy. Approaching the questions of causal mechanisms and deviations from the found pattern, case studies did emphasize that the linkage between the structural conditions and actor’s-orientated explanations largely could verify what is deducted from theory. However, the importance of economic possibilities and internal prioritizations inside the political organization was essential for the development of e-democracy and was found through more inductive approaches.
The main contribution of this thesis is the results that, both on an aggregated and a micro level, verify the theory but also add other important explanations. Another important conclusion is the creation of a model for e-democracy where a complete e-democracy is linked to democratic theory and not only maintains information, discussion, and decision-making processes through information and communication technology but also does this while strengthening political participation and political equality.
Digital technologies have struggled to achieve more equal participation in politics, the so-called “unresolved dilemma of democracy.” Previous research has emphasized the drivers of involvement in digital politics from an individual perspective, but studies looking at the general prerequisites of online engagement in politics are lacking. Not much attention has been directed toward the supply side, namely the online presence of political actors and the structures created by them. Applying a mixed-method design, this article examines the supply of channels for digital politics distributed by Swedish municipalities. Quantitative data collected from municipality websites are used for both a description and explanation of the varying opportunities for involvement encountered by Swedish citizens as a result of where they live. Two extreme cases are then examined in depth in which preconditions for involvement are particularly weak. We find that significant variation exists between municipalities and that these patterns are explained primarily by population size, but also by economic conditions and education levels. The cases show how a lack of policies and unenthusiastic politicians creates poor possibilities for development. The findings also verify previous notions that without demand from citizens, in combination with internal ambition from politicians, successful provision of services for digital politics will be hard to achieve.
A growing literature tries to contribute to a more balanced view of the concept of e-democracy. However, one seldom discussed aspect is the concept’s inadequate dimension on what a desirable development of society consists of. By adding certain values, today most pronounced in the theory of social sustainability, this article examines the awareness of such in three e-democratic projects in Swedish municipalities. This is carried out through a qualitative inquiry that uses different types of data and that regards social sustainability as an ongoing process that is suitable to be analysed in relation to other structures in society. The empirical part reveals different important topics. First it shows that the consciousness of socially sustainable values varies between the examined cases. Second, this variation can be due to both the varying success of e-democracy and to conditions inside the political organizations. In conclusion, this paper reveals that the consequence of adding a socially sustainable perspective to e-democracy is that it provides adequate opportunities for analysing social development without missing out qualities that are desired in a democratic society.
The field that tries to answer, through comparative research, the question of what factors explain the existence of e-democracy is, despite several recent contributions, quite undeveloped. Due to strong theoretical foundations and extensive quantitative data, this article adds to this field with an overall ambition of not only explaining variation in supply of and demand for e-democracy but also examining how these two dimensions are related. The case in this article is Sweden and the analyses report several unexpected findings. E-democracy provided by Swedish municipalities is positively related to citizens’ level of education and population figures but not to the level of technological development. With an analogous logic, citizens in Sweden are more inclined to use e-democratic functions if they have high levels of income and education and, also have experiences of using computers. However, no significant variation exists among different genders or age groups. When these two perspectives are combined no significant relationship emerges, indicating a discrepancy between supply of and demand for e-democracy. Finally, the fact that this inclination for citizens’ involvement in e-democracy is solely determined by micro characteristics points to the importance of theoretical development.
The use of information and communication technologies in democratic processes, often summarized by the term e-democracy, has seldom been analysed from a global perspective. Although the United Nations E-Participation Index provides one of the few examples of an international measurement of e-democracy, it has been thoroughly criticized; at the same time, however, a number of studies have broadened our understanding of the global determinants of e-democracy by using this very index. In this study, I approach this problem by considering (i) whether the UN E-Participation Index is a valid measurement of e-democracy and (ii) whether any alternative measurements of e-democracy present themselves. In answer to these questions, it would seem that the index, despite its flaws, is not necessarily as problematic as is assumed, although there are observations that violate essential theoretical assumptions and so reduce its validity. Furthermore, its use in combination with measurements of democracy agrees with the emphasis in the literature on e-democracy being embedded in democracy, and results in a measurement that better corresponds with theoretical ideas of e-democracy.
Despite the third wave of democratization, dictatorships are still widespread global phenomena. However, in comparative research they are often treated merely as theoretical anomalies and empirical residual categories. By addressing this shortcoming, this research has three overall ambitions which are reached by reviewing, compiling and analyzing earlier research. First, different perspectives on how to define dictatorships are discussed. This makes it possible to approach the regimes in a more nuanced way compared with only classifying them as non-democratic. It is no understatement to claim that dictatorships are heterogeneous. Therefore, the second ambition of this research is to discuss different approaches to how to categorize these regimes more precisely. Theoretically valid categories are necessary when carrying out empirical inquiries. Third, and most absent in contemporary research, the ambition is to elaborate upon the factors that can explain dictatorships. In other words, what constitutes the explanans in an explanatory model of dictatorships and types of them? This includes both the existence of and transitions to dictatorship. To answer this question and to reach a theoretical framework for an explanation of dictatorship, contributions from a variety of research need to be put together. All in all, this paper will add greater theoretical understanding that is necessary for empirical examinations of dictatorships. Increased validity and increased confidence in explanations of dictatorships could be the result if the conclusions of this research are implemented in empirical studies.
Despite the third wave of democratisation, dictatorships are still a widespread global phenomenon. In recent years, comparative scholars have shown a renewed interest in such regimes, which has resulted in a significant increase in the volume of research that has been produced. However, such research is not always carried out in a cumulative fashion and, therefore, lacks the traits of a more holistic perspective. Hence, it is appropriate to review this research to try to create opportunities for more systematisation in future studies. This study does this by focusing on two approaches: that is providing definitions of non-democracies, but also developing a framework for empirical explanations of these regimes. Addressing the first approach reveals gaps in previous definitions of dictatorships, which is something that is managed by stating a theoretically founded conceptualisation. Moreover, scrutinising the typologies of dictatorships and their variants provided by previous research reveals some loosely connected or almost arbitrary alternatives. Such flaws are discussed and solutions are given. Regarding the second approach, this article discusses findings on how both the existence of and the transition to dictatorships and their variants can be systematised. The outcome is a framework that can be applied in future research. To conclude, there is still much that is unknown about both the description and the explanation of dictatorships, but by systematising recent research this article sets out a more unified strategy.
One of the leading debates in social sciences concerns research design. However, in comparative politics, the predominant way conducting research misses out crucial aspects that are central to social theory. This article shows how method and empirical research are highly dependent on the definition of theory. Arguing that theory should not only give an explanation of the social phenomena in question but should also show how this relationship is constructed, this article outlines the consequence of such a perspective, namely that the collection of data should reflect both macro and micro perspectives and the analyses of data should be carried out using mixed methods. In conclusion, such an integrated framework is the most appropriate way to give valuable theoretical feedback, either by examination and revision of already established theories or by a contribution to the construction of new theory in the social sciences. It is important, though, that such a framework is applied in a systematized way.
This paper addresses the challenges to the theories of the political sphere posed by a digital society. It is suggested that this most evident at the intersection between understandings of technology, performativities, and politics that combines empirical closeness with abstract understandings of socio-political and cultural contexts. The paper exemplifies this by reporting on a study of online citizen dialogue in the making, in this case concerning school planning in a Swedish municipality. Applying these theoretical perspectives to this case provides some key findings. The technological design is regarded as restricting the potential dialogue, as is outlined in different themes where the participants enact varying positions—taxpayers, citizen consumers, or local residents. The political analysis stresses a dialogue that lacks both polemic and public perspectives, and rather is characterized by the expression of different special interests. Together, these perspectives can provide the foundation for the development of applying theories in a digital society.
This study focuses on an overlooked dimension of housing policy, namely how housing can serve as a mean to exclude vulnerable groups in general, and more specifically immigrants, from long-term settlement. Research in this area is dispersed across various disciplines. To survey the field and explore how local decision-makers can utilize housing policy as a tool for gatekeeping and thus exclude vulnerable groups, we employ a systematic literature review. It consists of two main parts: the first one concentrates on the international literature on the subject, while the second investigates the Swedish context.The international review is based on a sophisticated search in the broader international scholarly literature and is analyzed through (i) statistical analysis, (ii)network analysis, and (iii) thematic analysis. The Swedish part draws on so called grey literature,analyzed through a thematic analysis.The results indicate, among other findings, that policies aimed at excluding vulnerable groups share similarities either in their design or in their consequential effects, regardless of the context in which the policy is applied. It is also evident how the literature distinguishes between policies that intentionally exclude and those that unintentionally exclude. In a Swedish context, the results indicate that municipalities in Sweden interpret their housing supply responsibility differently, leading to inequality and deviations from the principle of equal treatment. The analysis also demonstrates that economic resources and the design of laws and regulations play a crucial role in the outcome of housing policy. Notably, the phenomenon of social dumping occupies a central role in the Swedish literature. Both analyses indicate a norm shift regarding society's responsibility versus individual responsibility in housing supply issues, and that the lack of adequate housing is a significant problem both in Sweden and in many other countries.