The political spring of 2019 was exceptionalin Finland. For the first time since 1999, botha parliamentary- and a European Parliament(EP) election occurred within a short range oftime. There were also significant differencesin the electoral results between the two elections. It is clear which of the two elections theFinnish public considered more important,illustrated by the fact that 72.1 percent votedin the Parliamentary elections, while only 42.7percent voted in the EP-elections six weekslater. This was no surprise, as EP-electionshave, ever since the first elections in 1979,generally come to be referred to as a secondorder election1. This illustrates the general lackof interest in the EP-elections, as the turnouthas generally been lower in comparison withfirst-order national elections. The second-ordernarrative of EP-elections is mainly derivedfrom a public perception that less is at stakeduring EP-elections in comparison to nationalelections. As a result EP-elections have becomecharacterized by lower turnout, higher successrates for fringe parties, electoral losses forgovernment parties and lower media attention2. Thanks to the unique multi-wave paneldata at disposal, it is possible to delve deeperinto the explanations behind the different electoral outcomes, and assess whether Finnishcitizens behave differently in a first- versus asecond-order election conducted within sixweeks. This chapter will therefore examine thevoting patterns between the Parliamentaryand the EP-elections in Finland during thespring of 2019.