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Högström, J. (2019). The Gender-Representation Gap in Radical Right Parties: Is There Any Contagion Effect from Parties with Small Gaps?. Comparative Sociology, 18(1), 66-93
Open this publication in new window or tab >>The Gender-Representation Gap in Radical Right Parties: Is There Any Contagion Effect from Parties with Small Gaps?
2019 (English)In: Comparative Sociology, ISSN 1569-1322, E-ISSN 1569-1330, Vol. 18, no 1, p. 66-93Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

This study is about women's political participation in times of increased influence from radical right parties. The gender-representation gap in the Swedish radical right party, the Sweden Democrats, is examined. A reformulated contagion theory is tested using three hypotheses. To test the hypotheses, a large-N study of all of Sweden's municipalities is conducted. The results show that a large gender-representation gap exists in the Sweden Democrats party compared with that in the other main parties, and the gap has a negative effect on the total level of female representation in the municipal councils. However, the gap and the negative effect are decreasing over time in relation to the other main parties, which supports the hypotheses and the reformulated contagion theory.

Keywords
contagion theory, gender-representation gap, local level, radical right parties, Sweden Democrats, women's political participation
National Category
Political Science
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-35802 (URN)10.1163/15691330-12341486 (DOI)000457979900003 ()2-s2.0-85060705168 (Scopus ID)
Available from: 2019-03-18 Created: 2019-03-18 Last updated: 2019-03-19Bibliographically approved
Högström, J. (2018). does closeness matter for voter turnout in proportional systems?: an examination at the local level in Sweden. European Political Science, 7(4), 571-586
Open this publication in new window or tab >>does closeness matter for voter turnout in proportional systems?: an examination at the local level in Sweden
2018 (English)In: European Political Science, ISSN 1680-4333, E-ISSN 1682-0983, Vol. 7, no 4, p. 571-586Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

The purpose of this study is to examine whether citizens are more likely to vote in a political system that uses a proportional electoral system if the election is close. The results show that citizens who live in Swedish municipalities in which the competition between the two leading parties is close are more likely to vote. However, the results also show that the vote gap between the two major traditional blocs, the left and the right, is not important for citizens when they are considering whether or not to vote in municipal elections. In the study, a theoretical argument has been formulated which suggests that voters are confused and discouraged when there are many aspects to consider regarding the form of an upcoming coalition government. Accordingly, potential voters see the issue of how the coalition will be formed as too complex, and therefore the vote gap between the two blocs is not an issue that is prioritised by potential voters.

Keywords
closeness, voter turnout, local elections, Sweden, proportional electoral system, multiparty system
National Category
Social Sciences
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-31332 (URN)10.1057/s41304-017-0127-6 (DOI)000455206300003 ()2-s2.0-85026502929 (Scopus ID)
Note

First Online: 31 July 2017

Available from: 2017-08-07 Created: 2017-08-07 Last updated: 2019-03-25Bibliographically approved
Högström, J. (2017). Political Competition in Sweden 1976-2014: A Comparative Analysis at the Local Level. Comparative Sociology, 16(4), 499-522
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Political Competition in Sweden 1976-2014: A Comparative Analysis at the Local Level
2017 (English)In: Comparative Sociology, ISSN 1569-1322, E-ISSN 1569-1330, Vol. 16, no 4, p. 499-522Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

The main purpose of this study is to examine political competition on the local level inSweden and to empirically test two theories of political competition, namely whetherthe size of the unit affects the variation in political competition and whether socioeconomicstandards affect the variation in political competition. The findings supportthe suggested causal mechanism between socioeconomic standards and competition.Accordingly, units with higher socioeconomic standards have a higher level of politicalcompetition. Some empirical findings also support the suggested causal mechanismbetween the size of the units and the political competition. The findings show thatpopulation size is a robust determinant of competition and that a larger populationsize affects competition positively. The findings show also that area size is a relativelyrobust determinant of competition and that area size has a negative effect on competition.However the negative effect is contrary to the expectations.

Keywords
local democracy, municipality, political competition, size, socioeconomic standard
National Category
Social Sciences
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-31357 (URN)10.1163/15691330-12341435 (DOI)000411625700003 ()2-s2.0-85027276280 (Scopus ID)
Available from: 2017-08-09 Created: 2017-08-09 Last updated: 2018-02-22Bibliographically approved
Högström, J. (2016). The Effect of Gender Quotas in the First Decade of the Twenty-first Century: A Global Comparison. Comparative Sociology, 15(2), 179-205
Open this publication in new window or tab >>The Effect of Gender Quotas in the First Decade of the Twenty-first Century: A Global Comparison
2016 (English)In: Comparative Sociology, ISSN 1569-1322, E-ISSN 1569-1330, Vol. 15, no 2, p. 179-205Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

The goal of this study is to examine to what extent gender quotas have contributedto recent increases in women’s representation in parliaments. The results show thatthe effect of quotas on women’s representation in parliaments increased over timeduring the first decade of the twenty-first century, and that in the mid and late partsof the decade quotas are an important determinant of women’s representation in parliaments.However, the results from this study demonstrate that several countries thatuse gender quotas still have low levels of female representation in parliaments, whichindicates that the designs of the quotas are important.

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
Brill Academic Publishers, 2016
Keywords
gender quotas, women's representation, parliaments, global comparison
National Category
Political Science
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-27482 (URN)10.1163/15691330-12341385 (DOI)000374543000002 ()2-s2.0-84977123622 (Scopus ID)
Note

Available from: 2016-04-21 Created: 2016-04-21 Last updated: 2017-11-30Bibliographically approved
Högström, J. (2015). Do Development and Democracy Positively Affect Gender Equality in Cabinets?. Japanese Journal of Political Science, 16(3), 332-356
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Do Development and Democracy Positively Affect Gender Equality in Cabinets?
2015 (English)In: Japanese Journal of Political Science, ISSN 1468-1099, E-ISSN 1474-0060, Vol. 16, no 3, p. 332-356Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

It has been argued that economic development and democracy create new opportunities and resources for women to access political power, which should increase gender equality in politics. However, empirical evidence from previous research that supports this argument is mixed. The contribution of this study is to expand the research on gender equality in politics through an in-depth examination of the effect of development and democracy on gender equality in cabinets. This has been completed through separate analyses that include most of the countries in the world across three levels of development (least-developed, developing, and developed) and across different types of political regimes (democracies, royal dictatorships, military dictatorships, and civilian dictatorships). The results demonstrate that economic development and democracy only affect gender equality in cabinets positively in a few environments. Accordingly, the context is important and there seem to be thresholds before development and democracy have any effect. Development has a positive effect in developed countries and in democracies, but it has a negative effect in dictatorships, and the negative effect is strongest in military dictatorships. The level of democracy has a positive effect mainly in dictatorships, and the strongest effect is in civilian dictatorships. The article demonstrates the importance of dividing samples into subsets to increase understanding of what affects women's representation in cabinets in different environments, and I ask scholars to subset samples and run separate analyses more often in comparative studies. Copyright © 2015 Cambridge University Press.

National Category
Political Science
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-25907 (URN)10.1017/S1468109915000225 (DOI)000359265900006 ()2-s2.0-84938801767 (Scopus ID)
Note

Export Date: 23 September 2015

Available from: 2015-09-23 Created: 2015-09-23 Last updated: 2017-12-01Bibliographically approved
Högström, J. (2014). Democracies in Crisis. Contemporary Politics, 20(4), 402-420
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Democracies in Crisis
2014 (English)In: Contemporary Politics, ISSN 1356-9775, E-ISSN 1469-3631, Vol. 20, no 4, p. 402-420Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

The main contribution of this study is to identify democracies in the world that are at risk of

becoming non-democracies. It is hypothesized that if democracies have a low level of

legitimacy and have low effectiveness, they are at risk of becoming non-democratic

regimes. These types of democracies are called weak democracies. Of the seven

democracies that are identified as weak democracies between 2000 and 2010, the weakest of

them, Mali, has already fallen. However, looking at the results of this study, it is not

surprising that the democratic regime in Mali fell. The other six countries that are identified

as weak democracies are Benin, Mongolia, Lesotho, El Salvador, Belize, and Mexico. The

democratic regimes in these six weak democracies should be observed in more detail in the

future to predict whether they are close to falling and losing their democratic institutions, or

whether they will recover and no longer be weak democracies.

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
London: Taylor & Francis, 2014
Keywords
democracies in crisis, weak democracies, legitimacy, effectiveness, quality of democracy, transition, risk
National Category
Political Science
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-23397 (URN)10.1080/13569775.2014.969122 (DOI)000344371200002 ()2-s2.0-84911994166 (Scopus ID)
Available from: 2014-11-10 Created: 2014-11-10 Last updated: 2017-12-05Bibliographically approved
Högström, J. (2013). Classification and Rating of Democracy: A Comparison. Taiwan Journal of Democracy, 9(2), 33-54
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Classification and Rating of Democracy: A Comparison
2013 (English)In: Taiwan Journal of Democracy, ISSN 1815-7238, Vol. 9, no 2, p. 33-54Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

This study compares three indexes of democracy, the EIU, Freedom House, and Polity IV, and their classifications and ratings of the level of democracy in 157 countries in 2010. The comparison is based on dichotomous, trichotomous, and continuous measures of democracy. The findings show that the three indexes have discrepancies in all comparisons applied in this study. As a consequence, researchers and others who use democracy indexes should be aware that the indexes reach different conclusions concerning their classifications and ratings of democracy. Scholars also should be aware that the indexes favor and disfavor different countries and regions of the world in their ratings of democracy.

Keywords
Indexes of democracy, comparison, EIU, Freedom House, Polity IV
National Category
Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-20935 (URN)
Available from: 2014-01-02 Created: 2014-01-02 Last updated: 2018-01-11Bibliographically approved
Högström, J. (2013). Does the Choice of Democracy Measure Matter?: Comparisons between the Two Leading Democracy Indices, Freedom House and Polity IV. Government and Opposition, 48(2), 201-221
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Does the Choice of Democracy Measure Matter?: Comparisons between the Two Leading Democracy Indices, Freedom House and Polity IV
2013 (English)In: Government and Opposition, ISSN 0017-257X, E-ISSN 1477-7053, Vol. 48, no 2, p. 201-221Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

This article investigates whether two different measures of democracy generate the same empirical results. The Freedom House and Polity IV measures are used as the dependent variables. The result shows that statistical significance and explanatory power for different independent variables differ greatly, depending on which democracy index is used as the dependent variable. The results also indicate that Freedom House and Polity IV rate many countries’ levels of democracy differently. It is worrying and problematic for comparative studies of democracy that empirical results differ so much according to which measure of democracy is used.

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
Cambridge University Press, 2013
National Category
Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-20192 (URN)10.1017/gov.2012.10 (DOI)000325761200003 ()2-s2.0-84911999750 (Scopus ID)
Available from: 2013-11-12 Created: 2013-11-12 Last updated: 2018-11-06Bibliographically approved
Högström, J. (2013). Quality of Democracy Around the Globe: A Comparative Study. (Doctoral dissertation). Sundsvall: Mid Sweden University
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Quality of Democracy Around the Globe: A Comparative Study
2013 (English)Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
Abstract [en]

This study deals with the quality of democracy, and its purpose is to examine which factors affect the varying levels of the quality of democracy in the stable democracies in the world. The research question posited in the study is: what explains the varying levels of the quality of democracy in the democratic countries in the world, and do political institutions matter? Theoretically, the quality of democracy is distinguished from other similar concepts employed in comparative politics, and what the quality of democracy stands for is clarified. The quality of democracy is defined in this study as: the level of legitimacy in a democratic system with respect to democratic norms such as political participation, political competition, political equality, and rule of law. In total, four dimensions of the quality of democracy are included that are considered to be very important dimensions of the quality of democracy. These dimensions are political participation, political competition, political equality, and the rule of law. To explain the variation in the quality of democracy, an explanatory model has been developed. The explanatory model consists of five different groups of independent variables: political institutional variables, socioeconomic variables, cultural variables, historical variables, and physical variables. Methodologically, a large-n, outcome-centric research design is employed and statistical analysis is used to examine what effect the five groups of independent variables have on the four dimensions of the quality of democracy. Empirically, the results show that cultural variables and political institutional variables outperform socioeconomic, historical, and physical variables in relation to their effect on the quality of democracy. Consequently, cultural and political institutional variables are the two most important groups of variables when explaining the variation in the quality of democracy in the democratic countries in the world. In relation to the other groups of variables, historical variables are slightly more important than socioeconomic variables when explaining the variation in the quality of democracy. The physical variables constitute the group of variables that has the least importance out of the five groups of variables when explaining the variation in the quality of democracy. In summary, the findings from the study show that the best way of increasing the level of the quality of democracy may be to choose political institutions such as parliamentarism as the executive power system and a proportional system as the electoral system. To put this clearly, to increase the possibility of democratic countries achieving a high level of the quality of democracy they should avoid majority electoral systems and presidential or semipresidential executive systems.

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
Sundsvall: Mid Sweden University, 2013. p. 296
Series
Mid Sweden University doctoral thesis, ISSN 1652-893X ; 137
Keywords
quality of democracy, stable democracies, political institutions, political participation, political competition, political equality, rule of law, demokratikvalitet, stabila demokratier, politiska institutioner, politiskt deltagande, politisk konkurrens, politisk jämlikhet, rättsstatens principer
National Category
Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-17683 (URN)978-91-87103-45-2 (ISBN)
Public defence
2013-01-25, F234, Mittuniversitetet, 83125 Östersund, 13:15 (Swedish)
Opponent
Supervisors
Available from: 2012-12-12 Created: 2012-12-12 Last updated: 2018-01-12Bibliographically approved
Högström, J. (2012). Women's Representation in National Politics in the World's Democratic Countries: A Research Note. Journal of women, politics & policy, 33(3), 263-279
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Women's Representation in National Politics in the World's Democratic Countries: A Research Note
2012 (English)In: Journal of women, politics & policy, ISSN 1554-4788, E-ISSN 1554-4788, Vol. 33, no 3, p. 263-279Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

In this research note, I introduce a new concept for examining women's political representation. This concept deals with women's representation both in parliaments and governments. I name the new concept "women's representation in national politics." The empirical results of this study demonstrate that the independent variable region is the variable with the greatest explanatory power of the independent variables used in this study. The results show that Scandinavia has extraordinarily high levels of female representation in national politics. The results also show that three countries in Oceania-Nauru, Palau, and Tuvalu-do not have any female representation in national politics.

Keywords
women's representation, women in politics, political representation, national politics, democratic countries, parliaments, governments
National Category
Political Science
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-17257 (URN)10.1080/1554477X.2012.694779 (DOI)000307644600003 ()2-s2.0-84864655887 (Scopus ID)
Available from: 2012-10-29 Created: 2012-10-27 Last updated: 2017-12-07Bibliographically approved
Organisations
Identifiers
ORCID iD: ORCID iD iconorcid.org/0000-0002-6284-2591

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