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Högström, J. (2020). What characteristics affect early voting?: The case of Sweden. European Political Science
Open this publication in new window or tab >>What characteristics affect early voting?: The case of Sweden
2020 (English)In: European Political Science, ISSN 1680-4333, E-ISSN 1682-0983Article in journal (Refereed) Epub ahead of print
Abstract [en]

In this study, I examine what characteristics affect early voting in Sweden, and a large-N study of all of Sweden’s 290 municipalities for the four most recent elections is conducted. The results show that the level of early voting is higher in municipalities where the average income is higher; where the level of older people is higher; where the level of the electorate born abroad is higher; in rural municipalities; and in municipalities where the number of early voting sites per one thousand eligible voters is higher. If the goal of the municipalities is to increase early voting, any policy recommendation that is based on the results of this study should ensure that there are numerous early voting sites in the municipalities and if there are not, the municipalities should consider increasing the number of early voting sites they provide. 

Keywords
Elections, Electoral behaviour, Voting behaviour
National Category
Social Sciences
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-38349 (URN)10.1057/s41304-019-00239-9 (DOI)2-s2.0-85078012202 (Scopus ID)
Available from: 2020-02-03 Created: 2020-02-03 Last updated: 2020-02-21Bibliographically approved
Plescia, C., Blais, A. & Högström, J. (2019). Do People Want a ‘Fairer’ Electoral System? An Experimental Study in Four Countries. European Journal of Political Research, Article ID EJPR12372.
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Do People Want a ‘Fairer’ Electoral System? An Experimental Study in Four Countries
2019 (English)In: European Journal of Political Research, ISSN 0304-4130, E-ISSN 1475-6765, article id EJPR12372Article in journal (Refereed) Epub ahead of print
Abstract [en]

When judging how ‘fair’ voting rules are, a fundamental criterion used by both scholars and politicians is their ability or inability to produce proportional results, that is, the extent parties’ seat distribution after the elections accurately reflects their vote shares. How about citizens? Do citizens care about how proportional the outcome is? Or do they judge the outcome solely on the basis of how well (or poorly) their party performed? Taking advantage of a uniquely designed survey experiment, this paper investigates the causal effect of proportionality on voter support for voting rules in four countries, namely Austria, England, Ireland and Sweden. The results show that proportionality drives support for the voting rules not above but beyond party performance. There is little cross‐country variation, which suggests that proportionality is appreciated in different contexts with little status quo bias. These findings have important implications for our understanding of the causal mechanisms linking electoral rules to voter support.

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
Wiley-Blackwell, 2019
Keywords
electoral rules, voter satisfaction, proportionality, voting experiment
National Category
Social Sciences
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-38169 (URN)10.1111/1475-6765.12372 (DOI)000508592300001 ()2-s2.0-85078658570 (Scopus ID)
Available from: 2019-12-30 Created: 2019-12-30 Last updated: 2020-02-21Bibliographically approved
Högström, J. (2019). Explaining the Variation in the Quality of Democracy by Using Quantitative Methods. In: SAGE Research Methods Cases Part 2: . London: Sage Publications
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Explaining the Variation in the Quality of Democracy by Using Quantitative Methods
2019 (English)In: SAGE Research Methods Cases Part 2, London: Sage Publications, 2019Chapter in book (Refereed)
Abstract [en]

This case is an example of using quantitative research on democracies, and it is based on my PhD study in political science. In the study, I used a comparative method, through a large-n, outcome-centric research design, to examine which factors affect the varying levels of the quality of democracy in the stable democracies around the world. This case study illustrates how a researcher can develop their research agenda from identifying the research subject to formulating the research question for the study. In the case, I describe different research steps that were used in my PhD study, such as how the research design was developed, how the operationalization of the concept quality of democracy was performed, how the theoretical model for explaining the variation in the quality of democracy was developed, and how the empirical analyses by using statistical analysis were performed. During the research journey, there were also several methodological challenges to handle, and in this case study, I also describe and comment on how I handled these challenges. As a pedagogical tool, the aim of this case is to be helpful in improving future research that uses a large-n research design and analyzes the data using statistical analysis.

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
London: Sage Publications, 2019
Keywords
quality of democracy, democracy, comparative politics, freedom, specifications, indicators
National Category
Social Sciences
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-38168 (URN)10.4135/9781526467461 (DOI)9781526467461 (ISBN)
Available from: 2019-12-30 Created: 2019-12-30 Last updated: 2020-01-10Bibliographically approved
Högström, J. (2019). The Gender-Representation Gap in Radical Right Parties: Is There Any Contagion Effect from Parties with Small Gaps?. Comparative Sociology, 18(1), 66-93
Open this publication in new window or tab >>The Gender-Representation Gap in Radical Right Parties: Is There Any Contagion Effect from Parties with Small Gaps?
2019 (English)In: Comparative Sociology, ISSN 1569-1322, E-ISSN 1569-1330, Vol. 18, no 1, p. 66-93Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

This study is about women's political participation in times of increased influence from radical right parties. The gender-representation gap in the Swedish radical right party, the Sweden Democrats, is examined. A reformulated contagion theory is tested using three hypotheses. To test the hypotheses, a large-N study of all of Sweden's municipalities is conducted. The results show that a large gender-representation gap exists in the Sweden Democrats party compared with that in the other main parties, and the gap has a negative effect on the total level of female representation in the municipal councils. However, the gap and the negative effect are decreasing over time in relation to the other main parties, which supports the hypotheses and the reformulated contagion theory.

Keywords
contagion theory, gender-representation gap, local level, radical right parties, Sweden Democrats, women's political participation
National Category
Political Science
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-35802 (URN)10.1163/15691330-12341486 (DOI)000457979900003 ()2-s2.0-85060705168 (Scopus ID)
Available from: 2019-03-18 Created: 2019-03-18 Last updated: 2019-03-19Bibliographically approved
Högström, J. (2018). does closeness matter for voter turnout in proportional systems?: an examination at the local level in Sweden. European Political Science, 7(4), 571-586
Open this publication in new window or tab >>does closeness matter for voter turnout in proportional systems?: an examination at the local level in Sweden
2018 (English)In: European Political Science, ISSN 1680-4333, E-ISSN 1682-0983, Vol. 7, no 4, p. 571-586Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

The purpose of this study is to examine whether citizens are more likely to vote in a political system that uses a proportional electoral system if the election is close. The results show that citizens who live in Swedish municipalities in which the competition between the two leading parties is close are more likely to vote. However, the results also show that the vote gap between the two major traditional blocs, the left and the right, is not important for citizens when they are considering whether or not to vote in municipal elections. In the study, a theoretical argument has been formulated which suggests that voters are confused and discouraged when there are many aspects to consider regarding the form of an upcoming coalition government. Accordingly, potential voters see the issue of how the coalition will be formed as too complex, and therefore the vote gap between the two blocs is not an issue that is prioritised by potential voters.

Keywords
closeness, voter turnout, local elections, Sweden, proportional electoral system, multiparty system
National Category
Social Sciences
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-31332 (URN)10.1057/s41304-017-0127-6 (DOI)000455206300003 ()2-s2.0-85026502929 (Scopus ID)
Note

First Online: 31 July 2017

Available from: 2017-08-07 Created: 2017-08-07 Last updated: 2019-03-25Bibliographically approved
Högström, J. (2017). Political Competition in Sweden 1976-2014: A Comparative Analysis at the Local Level. Comparative Sociology, 16(4), 499-522
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Political Competition in Sweden 1976-2014: A Comparative Analysis at the Local Level
2017 (English)In: Comparative Sociology, ISSN 1569-1322, E-ISSN 1569-1330, Vol. 16, no 4, p. 499-522Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

The main purpose of this study is to examine political competition on the local level inSweden and to empirically test two theories of political competition, namely whetherthe size of the unit affects the variation in political competition and whether socioeconomicstandards affect the variation in political competition. The findings supportthe suggested causal mechanism between socioeconomic standards and competition.Accordingly, units with higher socioeconomic standards have a higher level of politicalcompetition. Some empirical findings also support the suggested causal mechanismbetween the size of the units and the political competition. The findings show thatpopulation size is a robust determinant of competition and that a larger populationsize affects competition positively. The findings show also that area size is a relativelyrobust determinant of competition and that area size has a negative effect on competition.However the negative effect is contrary to the expectations.

Keywords
local democracy, municipality, political competition, size, socioeconomic standard
National Category
Social Sciences
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-31357 (URN)10.1163/15691330-12341435 (DOI)000411625700003 ()2-s2.0-85027276280 (Scopus ID)
Available from: 2017-08-09 Created: 2017-08-09 Last updated: 2018-02-22Bibliographically approved
Högström, J. (2016). The Effect of Gender Quotas in the First Decade of the Twenty-first Century: A Global Comparison. Comparative Sociology, 15(2), 179-205
Open this publication in new window or tab >>The Effect of Gender Quotas in the First Decade of the Twenty-first Century: A Global Comparison
2016 (English)In: Comparative Sociology, ISSN 1569-1322, E-ISSN 1569-1330, Vol. 15, no 2, p. 179-205Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

The goal of this study is to examine to what extent gender quotas have contributedto recent increases in women’s representation in parliaments. The results show thatthe effect of quotas on women’s representation in parliaments increased over timeduring the first decade of the twenty-first century, and that in the mid and late partsof the decade quotas are an important determinant of women’s representation in parliaments.However, the results from this study demonstrate that several countries thatuse gender quotas still have low levels of female representation in parliaments, whichindicates that the designs of the quotas are important.

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
Brill Academic Publishers, 2016
Keywords
gender quotas, women's representation, parliaments, global comparison
National Category
Political Science
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-27482 (URN)10.1163/15691330-12341385 (DOI)000374543000002 ()2-s2.0-84977123622 (Scopus ID)
Note

Available from: 2016-04-21 Created: 2016-04-21 Last updated: 2017-11-30Bibliographically approved
Högström, J. (2015). Do Development and Democracy Positively Affect Gender Equality in Cabinets?. Japanese Journal of Political Science, 16(3), 332-356
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Do Development and Democracy Positively Affect Gender Equality in Cabinets?
2015 (English)In: Japanese Journal of Political Science, ISSN 1468-1099, E-ISSN 1474-0060, Vol. 16, no 3, p. 332-356Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

It has been argued that economic development and democracy create new opportunities and resources for women to access political power, which should increase gender equality in politics. However, empirical evidence from previous research that supports this argument is mixed. The contribution of this study is to expand the research on gender equality in politics through an in-depth examination of the effect of development and democracy on gender equality in cabinets. This has been completed through separate analyses that include most of the countries in the world across three levels of development (least-developed, developing, and developed) and across different types of political regimes (democracies, royal dictatorships, military dictatorships, and civilian dictatorships). The results demonstrate that economic development and democracy only affect gender equality in cabinets positively in a few environments. Accordingly, the context is important and there seem to be thresholds before development and democracy have any effect. Development has a positive effect in developed countries and in democracies, but it has a negative effect in dictatorships, and the negative effect is strongest in military dictatorships. The level of democracy has a positive effect mainly in dictatorships, and the strongest effect is in civilian dictatorships. The article demonstrates the importance of dividing samples into subsets to increase understanding of what affects women's representation in cabinets in different environments, and I ask scholars to subset samples and run separate analyses more often in comparative studies. Copyright © 2015 Cambridge University Press.

National Category
Political Science
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-25907 (URN)10.1017/S1468109915000225 (DOI)000359265900006 ()2-s2.0-84938801767 (Scopus ID)
Note

Export Date: 23 September 2015

Available from: 2015-09-23 Created: 2015-09-23 Last updated: 2017-12-01Bibliographically approved
Högström, J. (2014). Democracies in Crisis. Contemporary Politics, 20(4), 402-420
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Democracies in Crisis
2014 (English)In: Contemporary Politics, ISSN 1356-9775, E-ISSN 1469-3631, Vol. 20, no 4, p. 402-420Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

The main contribution of this study is to identify democracies in the world that are at risk of

becoming non-democracies. It is hypothesized that if democracies have a low level of

legitimacy and have low effectiveness, they are at risk of becoming non-democratic

regimes. These types of democracies are called weak democracies. Of the seven

democracies that are identified as weak democracies between 2000 and 2010, the weakest of

them, Mali, has already fallen. However, looking at the results of this study, it is not

surprising that the democratic regime in Mali fell. The other six countries that are identified

as weak democracies are Benin, Mongolia, Lesotho, El Salvador, Belize, and Mexico. The

democratic regimes in these six weak democracies should be observed in more detail in the

future to predict whether they are close to falling and losing their democratic institutions, or

whether they will recover and no longer be weak democracies.

Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
London: Taylor & Francis, 2014
Keywords
democracies in crisis, weak democracies, legitimacy, effectiveness, quality of democracy, transition, risk
National Category
Political Science
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-23397 (URN)10.1080/13569775.2014.969122 (DOI)000344371200002 ()2-s2.0-84911994166 (Scopus ID)
Available from: 2014-11-10 Created: 2014-11-10 Last updated: 2017-12-05Bibliographically approved
Högström, J. (2013). Classification and Rating of Democracy: A Comparison. Taiwan Journal of Democracy, 9(2), 33-54
Open this publication in new window or tab >>Classification and Rating of Democracy: A Comparison
2013 (English)In: Taiwan Journal of Democracy, ISSN 1815-7238, Vol. 9, no 2, p. 33-54Article in journal (Refereed) Published
Abstract [en]

This study compares three indexes of democracy, the EIU, Freedom House, and Polity IV, and their classifications and ratings of the level of democracy in 157 countries in 2010. The comparison is based on dichotomous, trichotomous, and continuous measures of democracy. The findings show that the three indexes have discrepancies in all comparisons applied in this study. As a consequence, researchers and others who use democracy indexes should be aware that the indexes reach different conclusions concerning their classifications and ratings of democracy. Scholars also should be aware that the indexes favor and disfavor different countries and regions of the world in their ratings of democracy.

Keywords
Indexes of democracy, comparison, EIU, Freedom House, Polity IV
National Category
Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
Identifiers
urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-20935 (URN)
Available from: 2014-01-02 Created: 2014-01-02 Last updated: 2018-01-11Bibliographically approved
Organisations
Identifiers
ORCID iD: ORCID iD iconorcid.org/0000-0002-6284-2591

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