Mid Sweden University

This study examines the potential link between descriptive and substantive representation. More precisely, we examine whether a higher level of political descriptive representation of women improves their substantive representation in terms of policy spending in areas that are known to be prioritized by women. We use data from a pooled sample of all of the 290 Swedish municipalities covering the years from 1994 to 2021. We make at least four contributions to the research field: we use multiple measures of (1) women’s political representation and (2) policy spending, and we also (3) test assumptions at the subnational level, where policy spending matters most, and (4) assess them over a longer period of time, stretching across almost three decades. In contrast to our expectations, the findings show that the descriptive representation of women has no influence on policy spending; instead, economic and demographical aspects dominate. 

In democracies, elections in which voters elect their leaders and hold them accountable are the most important part of the democratic process. This study is about the people who work on the frontline of democracy and who play a major role in elections, namely poll workers. Surprisingly little is known about how poll workers evaluate elections, and we provide a detailed analysis of poll workers' views of how elections work in Sweden. We do this by reporting and analysing the results from a survey conducted among poll workers in Sweden shortly after the 2022 election. The results show that although many types of polling station-related problems were rare, some problems occurred to a greater extent than we expected. It is also clear that many of the problems had a negative impact on the poll workers' evaluations of the quality of the voting process. 

In this article, we contribute to election administration research by studying poll workers in Sweden, and we examine their characteristics, training, and performance. We do this by using data from a unique poll workers survey conducted shortly after the 2022 general election in Sweden. The results demonstrate that a large proportion of the poll workers are older, a majority of them are female, and a majority have completed some kind of higher education. In addition, a majority have served before as poll workers. The results also show that poll workers’ characteristics affect their performance. Further, the results indicate that reading the Electoral Authority’s tutorial for poll workers has a positive effect on their performance. As a policy recommendation, we suggest that the Electoral Authority in Sweden should explore the possibility of changing the compulsory training to consist of more hands on training combined with lectures. 

In this study, we contribute to the research field concerning early voting by examining the rejection of early votes in the general election in Sweden in 2022. The results show that the rejection rate of early votes in Sweden is high, which is of course problematic because eligible voters who vote should not have their ballots rejected because of errors. Contrary to our theoretical expectations, we did not find any patterns in the level of rejected early votes among the municipalities. We also examine why early votes are rejected, and the findings demonstrate that errors of different kinds occur, though some are more common than others, for example, putting more than one ballot paper in a ballot envelope seems to be a common problem. Finally, we provide several recommendations for the Election Authority concerning how the level of rejection of early votes can be reduced in Sweden

In this study we examine complaints concerning electoral fraud and administrative inaccuracies in an old, stable democracy, namely Sweden. We include complaints about the Swedish parliamentary elections between 2010 and 2018. The aim is to examine why voters complain about elections with a mix of qualitative and quantitative data. The results indicate that elections in Sweden are broadly well run and that Sweden has a robust election system. However, the analysis of the complaints show that many of them relate to the handling of advance votes, and that several human errors (administrative inaccuracies) occurred in handling advance votes. The mishandling of advance votes can increase the risk of reducing citizens' confidence in the election process and, by extension, it can pose a risk of magnifying the perceived decline in the legitimacy of the democratic system.

According to partisan theory, variations in policy choices and outputs originate from the party composition of the government studied. In this study, we take a novel approach to address such assumptions by linking changes in municipal taxes with local government changes. We also add a baseline scenario in which we examine whether the composition of the local government affects tax levels. Drawing on a dataset that contains official Swedish statistics from 1994 to 2018, we find convincing support for the partisan effect. Tax levels are higher under left-wing rule, and more specifically, tax cuts particularly occur when left-wing governments are replaced by right-wing ones. These results do not vanish when controls are accounted for, while it can be particularly noticed that the condition of the municipal economy influences partisan ambitions. These findings thereby contradict prior theoretical assumptions that the local arena is free from ideological battles.

In this study the authors aim to add to the understanding of whether, and if so how, a change of electoral system affects factors such as voter turnout and the party system, and the authors' focus has been on changes that result in mixed electoral systems. They used three country cases (Japan, Italy, and New Zealand) to explore patterns in a before-and-after design. The findings suggest that a country cannot expect a significant effect on voter turnout if it decides to change its electoral system to a mixed system. Regarding party system fragmentation, the results show that the change of the electoral system in New Zealand from a plurality system to a mixed member proportional system had a clear and immediately positive effect on the party system. However, the results do not indicate that the changes of electoral systems in Japan and Italy have had any significant effect on the party system. 

Citizens’ evaluation of how well the system works is central to the legitimacy of a democratic system. Elections and voting are crucial parts of the democratic system, and therefore, it is very important to evaluate voter satisfaction with the electoral process. In this study, we evaluate one aspect of the electoral process: the supply of parties on the ballot paper, and we use a direct measure of satisfaction with the party choices available on the ballot. We performed a survey experiment with a representative sample of citizens in four Western European democracies: Austria, England, Ireland and Sweden. The results point to a clear answer: voters are more satisfied if there are more parties to choose from. The findings also show that the positive effect is stronger among the higher educated. We also examined if it is the presence of an ideologically close option that really matters. The results show that respondents in every ideological position prefer more parties. This strongly suggests that it is the number of parties, as such that matters.

Do (many) voters like ranking? We address this question through an experimental study performed in four countries: Austria, England, Ireland and Sweden. Respondents were invited to participate in three successive elections. They were randomly assigned to one of four possiblevoting scenariosand asked to vote. The voting scenarios differed in terms of party supply (three or five parties) and the type of vote choice (vote for one party only or possibility of ranking all parties). After they had voted, respondents were asked about their satisfaction with the party supply and the voting system (using a scale from 0 "not at all satisfied" to 10 "very much satisfied"). We find little difference in overall satisfaction between those elections where people could rank order the parties and those where they could not.

Research on invalid voting has expanded over the past few years. Scholars largely agree on the most important determinants of invalid voting, foremost compulsory voting, quality of democracy, and ballot structure. However, disagreement prevails concerning several factors; more exactly, whether the effect is positive or negative. We examine determinants of invalid voting in the four most recent local elections in a single country, Sweden, all municipalities included. Applying a subnational research design allows us to control for several determinants that have been reported to be of significance in explaining varying levels of invalid voting, and, consequently, to examine factors with theoretically contradictory directions of effects. Two theoretical models of invalid voting are tested, an institutional and a societal model, each consisting of four variables. The latter explains considerably more of the variation in the dependent variable than the former. The most important determinant is education: higher levels of education among the population decrease the share of invalid votes. Concerning the institutional model, only district magnitude significantly affects the dependent variable, indicating that larger district magnitude depresses invalid voting. However, the effect disappears when societal variables are included, due to higher levels of education among the population in municipalities with high district magnitudes. Proportion of the electorate born abroad also significantly affects levels of invalid voting; higher proportions decrease invalid voting. We suggest that this is a consequence of political sophistication, interest, and being politically informed combined with who decides to vote and who decides to abstain amongst immigrants.