Mid Sweden University

This study examines the potential link between descriptive and substantive representation. More precisely, we examine whether a higher level of political descriptive representation of women improves their substantive representation in terms of policy spending in areas that are known to be prioritized by women. We use data from a pooled sample of all of the 290 Swedish municipalities covering the years from 1994 to 2021. We make at least four contributions to the research field: we use multiple measures of (1) women’s political representation and (2) policy spending, and we also (3) test assumptions at the subnational level, where policy spending matters most, and (4) assess them over a longer period of time, stretching across almost three decades. In contrast to our expectations, the findings show that the descriptive representation of women has no influence on policy spending; instead, economic and demographical aspects dominate. 

This study examines the link between women’s representation in national parliaments and their possibility to participate in civil society. Utilizing panel data from the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) dataset, covering 1975–2019, we investigate how the presence of women in parliaments influences the possibility for women to participate in civil society, especially in non-liberal democratic settings. The results indicate a positive association post-1990, coinciding with an international emphasis on civil society and a rise in women’s parliamentary representation in both liberal democracies and autocratic regimes. The study however highlights that in hybrid and autocratic regimes, increased female representation can also be used to project a gender-equal image without genuine democratization intentions. These findings suggest a correlation between the increase in women in parliaments and greater opportunities for their participation in civil society, but do not imply that the results reflect processes towards democracy. The findings contribute to understanding women’s possibilities in non-democratic regimes and underscores the need for further qualitative analysis to fully grasp the implications of these trends.

This study focuses on an overlooked dimension of housing policy, namely how housing can serve as a mean to exclude vulnerable groups in general, and more specifically immigrants, from long-term settlement. Research in this area is dispersed across various disciplines. To survey the field and explore how local decision-makers can utilize housing policy as a tool for gatekeeping and thus exclude vulnerable groups, we employ a systematic literature review. It consists of two main parts: the first one concentrates on the international literature on the subject, while the second investigates the Swedish context.The international review is based on a sophisticated search in the broader international scholarly literature and is analyzed through (i) statistical analysis, (ii)network analysis, and (iii) thematic analysis. The Swedish part draws on so called grey literature,analyzed through a thematic analysis.The results indicate, among other findings, that policies aimed at excluding vulnerable groups share similarities either in their design or in their consequential effects, regardless of the context in which the policy is applied. It is also evident how the literature distinguishes between policies that intentionally exclude and those that unintentionally exclude. In a Swedish context, the results indicate that municipalities in Sweden interpret their housing supply responsibility differently, leading to inequality and deviations from the principle of equal treatment. The analysis also demonstrates that economic resources and the design of laws and regulations play a crucial role in the outcome of housing policy. Notably, the phenomenon of social dumping occupies a central role in the Swedish literature. Both analyses indicate a norm shift regarding society's responsibility versus individual responsibility in housing supply issues, and that the lack of adequate housing is a significant problem both in Sweden and in many other countries.

Denna studie fokuserar på en förbisedd dimension av bostadspolitiken, nämligen hur den kan användas som ett verktyg för att utestänga utsatta grupper från långsiktig bosättning. Vi fokuserar både på socialt och ekonomiskt utsatta grupper och mer specifikt på personer med flyktingbakgrund. Forskningen inom detta område förekommer i ett flertal olika discipliner. För att överblicka fältet och undersöka hur lokala beslutsfattare kan använda bostadspolitiken som ett verktyg för att agera grindvakter och därigenom utestänga utsatta grupper, tillämpar vi en systematisk litteraturöversikt. Den omfattar två huvuddelar: den första fokuserar på den internationella litteraturen inom ämnet, medan den andra undersöker den svenska. Den internationella översikten bygger på en sofistikerad sökning i den internationella vetenskapliga litteraturen och analyseras (i) statistiskt, genom (ii)nätverksanalyser och genom (iii) en tematisk analys. Den svenska delen utgår från s.k. grå litteratur som inte är granskad genom peer review (som exempelvis avhandlingar, myndighetsraporter) och analyseras endast genom en tematiskanalys. Resultaten visar att olika sorters politik som syftar till att utestänga utsatta grupper har snarlika effekter oavsett i vilket sammanhang som politiken tillämpas. I litteraturen görs en distinktion mellan metoder som avsiktligt utesluter respektive när detta blir en oavsiktlig konsekvens. Att kommuner i Sverige tolkar sitt bostadsförsörjningsansvar olika, leder till ojämlikhet och avsteg från likabehandlingsprincipen. Analysen visar också att lagar och reglers utformning samt ekonomiska resurser spelar en viktig roll i utfallet av förd bostadspolitik. Inte minst intar fenomenet social dumpning en central roll i den svenska litteraturen. Noterbart i analysen av både den svenska och internationella litteraturen är att det skett en normförskjutning kring vad som är samhällets ansvar kontra individens ansvar i bostadsförsörjningsfrågan, men också att bristen på adekvata bostäder förutsatta grupper är ett allvarligt problem både i Sverige och i många andra länder.

Modern welfare states struggle with fragmented policies and siloed governments, as well as with the need to deal with wicked problems. We argue that addressing such problems from the perspective of central government can be facilitated by notions of joined-up government that, combined with vertical aspects of modern governance, provide a basis for analysis. To embark upon such challenges, we examine policy integration and policy coordination within the complex area of Swedish migration policies in light of the European migrant crisis. Through a content analysis of an extensive qualitative material (interviews and documents), we show that policy integration is weakly associated with joint objectives and decision-making. As a contribution to prior knowledge in the field, we emphasize the unintuitive finding that counteracting siloism and fragmentation in Swedish migration policy is not achieved through coherent governance ranging across tiers, functions, and sectors but mainly at subnational levels through policy coordination relying on a bottom-up approach.

According to partisan theory, variations in policy choices and outputs originate from the party composition of the government studied. In this study, we take a novel approach to address such assumptions by linking changes in municipal taxes with local government changes. We also add a baseline scenario in which we examine whether the composition of the local government affects tax levels. Drawing on a dataset that contains official Swedish statistics from 1994 to 2018, we find convincing support for the partisan effect. Tax levels are higher under left-wing rule, and more specifically, tax cuts particularly occur when left-wing governments are replaced by right-wing ones. These results do not vanish when controls are accounted for, while it can be particularly noticed that the condition of the municipal economy influences partisan ambitions. These findings thereby contradict prior theoretical assumptions that the local arena is free from ideological battles.

E-petitions constitute a promising method of increasing public participation and engagement in government processes. However, there is a lack of knowledge of why some government entities implement e-petitions, while others do not. Moreover, it is unknown why some organizations may receive many e-petitions while others receive relatively few. Thus, in this paper, we aim to fill these gaps by investigating the implementation and use patterns of e-petitions based on data from Swedish local governments. Through statistical analysis of data related to demography, economy, technology, and democracy, our findings unveil variations in municipalities’ implementation of e-petitions and citizens’ use of them. The results reveal that municipalities with a relatively large population and established modes of local democracy are more inclined to implement e-petitions than smaller jurisdictions. However, we also found that the number of incoming e-petitions per capita is negatively correlated with population size. Thus, the presence of institutionalized work structures related to local democracy is an important precursor for the implementation of e-petitions, while previous experience with communication technologies had a positive effect on the number of incoming petitions. In addition to these findings, the novelty of our study lies in the use of several official data sources to seek explanations for the implementation and use of e-petitions in local government. By doing so, this study has paved the way for similar research in other contexts. The paper concludes with implications for both research and practice as well as suggestions for future studies.

This study examines variations in the perception of local integration policy among Swedish immigrants by focusing on community size as an influential determinant for how such policies are experienced. The experiences concern immigrants' relations to two core actors of Swedish integration policy: the public employment service (PES) and the municipalities. The empirical material consists of 28 narrative interviews, and a comparative strategy is applied to categorise participants based on whether they reside in a large or small municipality. While immigrants residing in small municipalities have more of a positive experience of the municipality and a negative view of the PES, interviewed immigrants residing in large municipalities have positive views of the PES and more ambiguous experiences with the municipality.

Projektet har undersökt demokratiska innovationer på kommunal nivå, med fokus på nya sätt att organisera, utveckla och förankra den lokala politiken. Undersökningen har riktats mot två fall, kommunerna Timrå respektive Örnsköldsvik som under tidsperioden arbetat med deliberativa processer för att stärka den lokala demokratin. Projektet har drivits av kommunerna i fråga i samverkan med den statsvetenskapliga miljön vid Mittuniversitetet.

Timrå kommun genomförde 2019 en reform av hela kommunens styr- och ledningssystem, med mål att komma bort från en allt för detaljerad ekonomistyrning och för istället etablera en verksamhetsstyrning med mål att skapa större värde för medborgare, företag och besökare. Föreliggande projektet har följt, analyserat och utvärderat detta arbetssätt. Örnsköldsviks kommun genomförde under 2021-2022 ett pilotprojekt med ett nytt sätt att engagera medborgarna mer direkt, det så kallade Tillsammanskontraktet, inom ramen för SKR-nätverket Utveckla lokala Samhällskontrakt. I projektet har denna process följts och analyserats.